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Byang Kato
1936 to 1975
Evangelical Churches of West Africa
Nigeria
Almost thirty years since his premature death cut short an
outstandingly promising ministry, Byang Kato's contribution
to the growth of African evangelical Christianity remains
unique. His book Theological Pitfalls in Africa, translated
into French as Pièges théologiques en Afrique, still provokes comment
and controversy, as it has done since its publication in 1975.
In recent years the Africa Journal of Evangelical Theology has
published accounts of his life and work by Christina Breman
(1996) and Yusufu Turaki (2001). The Nairobi Evangelical Graduate
School of Theology named its chapel after him, as did the
Faculté de Théologie Evangélique de Bangui its library, appropriate
recognition of his role in the foundation of both institutions.
The idea that he was "the founding father of modern
African evangelical theology" is no exaggeration, readily justified
by an appraisal of recent African church history.[1]
Byang Henry Kato was born in June 1936 into the Hahm, or
Jaba, people in the Nigerian town of Kwoi in Kaduna State. His
parents were adherents of Jaba traditional religion, but Byang
was converted to Christ at the age of twelve in a primary school
of the Sudan Interior Mission (SIM). He subsequently went to
Igbaja Bible College, gained British secondary school certificates
by correspondence, and in 1966 was awarded a London University
bachelor of divinity degree after three years of study at
London Bible College. He returned to Igbaja as professor from
1966 to 1967 and, at the age of thirty-one, became general secretary
of the Evangelical Church of West Africa (ECWA) in 1967.
He undertook postgraduate studies at Dallas Theological Seminary
in the early 1970s, obtaining the degrees master of sacred
theology and doctor of theology. In 1973 he was appointed
general secretary of the Association of Evangelicals of Africa and
Madagascar (AEAM, now the Association of Evangelicals of
Africa), the second incumbent of that position and the first
African to hold it. He drowned just two years later, aged thirty-nine,
in a tragic and unexplained swimming accident while on
vacation at the Kenyan coast.
Theology
Kato was a pioneer of modern African evangelical scholarship,
the first evangelical African Christian to gain a doctoral degree in
theology. His literary output was modest, comprising a number
of articles, one or two pamphlets, and Theological Pitfalls in Africa,
which is the published version of his doctoral thesis. Whatever
one's view of it, Theological Pitfalls was a pioneering work of
African evangelical theology, to "be viewed within [the] wider
context of Kato's vision for a positive evangelical theological
initiative in Africa."[2] Quite simply, he showed that African
theological scholarship need not be the unique preserve of theological
liberals, as had seemed to be the case.
In this connection Kato's swift acceptance of the notion of
contextualization was particularly significant. The provenance of
the word itself, first employed in 1972 by Shoki Coe in the World
Council of Churches document Ministry in Context: The Third
Mandate Programme of the Theological Education Fund, made it
suspect to many evangelicals.[3] Kato, however, recognized its
importance for the well-being of the African church and believed
that it did not imply compromising any of the theological principles
that he considered fundamental. His approach ensured
that mainstream African evangelicalism should not become entrenched
in an obscurantist and contextually irrelevant fundamentalism.
Theological Pitfalls itself, as well as many of his articles,
addressed some of the issues of the Africa of the 1970s and
are themselves early moves toward a contextual approach.
Certainly Kato's understanding of contextualization reflected
his time. His approach may not have had the theoretical basis and
subtlety of those who followed, and Theological Pitfalls is, as Paul
Bowers points out, "a 'maiden effort' . . . his first major publication
. . . [an] initial contribution," rather than the "magnum opus"
that might have followed, but for his early death.[4] Nevertheless,
his book and articles remain exemplary in at least two respects.
First, his intention was truly to contextualize the Gospel for
Africans: he addressed African issues, and most of what he wrote
was published in Africa. In contrast, Parratt has noted "the
tendency of some African scholars to write and publish with a
Western, rather than an African, audience in mind . . . to publish
their work exclusively in the West . . . and with an eye to the
plaudits of Western academics rather than to the usefulness of
their work to the African church."[5] Second, Kato's theological
activity aimed at a much broader African readership than just the
theological cognoscenti. He avoided the trap that besets much
Western theology, that of academic theologians producing works
of scholarship for one another that are inaccessible to outsiders.
As Kato himself said, "I am fully in favour of the ever-abiding
gospel being expressed within the context of Africa, for Africans
to understand."[6] His concern was for the church and the fulfillment
of its calling in the world, rather than the approbation of the
academy. Despite his many criticisms of Kato's work, Bediako
pays gracious tribute to the essentially practical and pastoral
concerns that motivated it, describing him as "practical, wise, and
pastorally concerned" and speaking of his "essentially practical
mind." He is, says Bediako, "most helpful on issues related to the
impact of Christian commitment and discipleship on what is
'considered good and beneficial in marriage in African society.'"[7]
Polemic
Nevertheless, to a considerable extent Kato's significance lies in
the polemical nature of much of his writing. Theological Pitfalls is
itself a polemic, responding to what he saw as a rising tide of
universalism and syncretism within African theology and church.
These trends he identified particularly in the works of John Mbiti
and Bolaji Idowu, and in the ecumenical movement as embodied
in the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC). His principal
concern was to insist on the radical discontinuity between the
Gospel and African traditional religions-or indeed any non-
Christian religion-in response to approaches that suggested an
essential continuity between them. Briefly, he responded to the
inclusivist tendency of some contemporary African theologians
with exclusivist arguments adapted to the African context.
Theological Pitfalls is not without weaknesses. Bowers refers
to its "angularity" and "limitations," noting that "the analysis is
not always accurate, the polemic not always just, the demonstration
not always persuasive, the organization not always clear."[8]
Such criticisms do not of themselves negate the essential validity
of Kato's case. Nevertheless, Parratt claims that Kato stirred
controversy unnecessarily: "It would probably be true to say that
although the dominant tradition in African Protestant Christianity
remains broadly conservative, the lines are much less sharply
drawn than in the West. In this respect Kato introduced into the
debate in Africa a largely foreign controversy."[9] The criticism
begs some basic questions. If indeed the lines were not sharply
drawn, perhaps some clarification was necessary, not in order to
introduce a "foreign controversy" but to focus issues that the
church needed to face, rather than evade, for the sake of its own
well-being. From this perspective Kato's role was the prophetic
one of confronting a theological trend that in his view threatened
the future of vital Christianity in Africa. Paul similarly reproved
churches he himself had founded, introducing what might equally
be termed "largely foreign" controversies to confront serious
declension. Nor was Christ a stranger to such polemic.
By his opposition to the AACC and theologians like Mbiti
and Idowu, Kato was taking on the African ecclesiastical and
theological establishment. He disagreed in print with those
whose academic credentials were already established, risking
opprobrium and ridicule. Bowers notes that "some reaction was
vicious"; he reported that "a prominent religious newspaper in
Eastern Africa ran a review which called Pitfalls 'alarmist in what
it says and colonial in the perspective in which it is written.'"
Kato was accused of being a tool "in the preservation and
protection of neo-colonial interests," an accusation echoed in
later critiques.[10] He was probably aware of the likely reaction to
his critique of fellow African theologians, but his refusal to
remain silent encouraged the numerically large but theologically
diffident African evangelical movement to find its voice and
articulate its own distinctive vision. He became a model for those
who would follow.
Moreover, his polemic received additional impetus from
another quarter, for he saw the threat of syncretism not only in
contemporary theology but also in the growth of politically
inspired movements of opposition to the church within some
postcolonial African states.[11] One such state was Chad, where
there was outright persecution of Christians who refused to
participate in traditional initiation ceremonies. The Zairian church
was also under pressure from the government-inspired movement
of authenticité, although it did not experience the physical
persecution that took place in Chad. Kato supported the stand of
Chadian Christians who endured suffering rather than participate
in traditional initiation rites. There is a clear correspondence
between what they were facing and the controversy he was
engaged in, for the Chadian government's attempt to force the
church into a syncretistic accommodation with African tradition
paralleled what Kato believed to be taking place more subtly at
the theological level. The theological trend he was resisting did
indeed have the potential to undermine the principled stand of
Chadian believers, by implying that the rites of traditional religion
might be grafted onto Christian practice without theological
loss. Thus, by resisting what he saw as theological syncretism,
Kato was simultaneously providing the Chadian church with a
reasoned theological basis for its resistance to a state-imposed
syncretism. Juxtaposing the two issues helps to explain the insistence, even the passion, with which he stated his position,
and the urgent priority, in his view, of a polemical theological
approach as opposed, perhaps, to a more creative one.
It has been suggested that Kato changed his position shortly
before his death. In Bible and Theology in African Christianity, Mbiti
claims that Kato's attack on himself and Idowu "arose partly out
of insufficient understanding on his part,"[12] and that Mbiti
discussed the issues with Kato on December 9, 1975, a little over
a week before his death. "At the end he apologized for having
unjustifiably attacked me, and promised to rewrite and change
the relevant parts of the book [Pitfalls]. . . . I assume, he would
have made personal apologies to those others whom he had
attacked." The story that Kato had apologized for the charge of
incipient syncretism was circulating long before Bible and Theology
was published, and Bowers, one of those who knew him
personally, refers to it: "Kato's friends were deeply upset at this
report, which they knew to be untrue and which they felt
attempted to emasculate at a stroke the heart of Kato's critique,
at a time when Kato, conveniently enough, could no longer
respond and set the record straight."[13] Bower claims, rather, that,
"in response to objections from Mbiti, Kato apologized for the
wording of certain passages in Pitfalls, and undertook to make
adjustments accordingly in two paragraphs in the book. . . . Kato
made no deathbed recantations! He was still growing, but he was
not changing directions." It is indeed unlikely that Kato would so
quickly have moderated his position on the basis of a single
conversation with Mbiti, especially given the conviction that his
writings demonstrate. Such changes as he made seem to have
been few and minor, and they had no impact on the thrust of his
argument.
Controversy
Kato's literary corpus, and especially Theological Pitfalls, continues
to provoke controversy. Perhaps the most frequent criticism
focuses on an alleged surrender to a Western theological agenda
over against a distinctively African approach. Oduyoye's assessment
is representative in both content and tone: "The rejection [of
the] African worldview by an African shows how successful the
Christian missions were in alienating Africans from their
'Africanness.'"[14]
What is principally in view in these criticisms is his negative
evaluation of African traditional religion and his consequent
rejection of any substantive role for it in the formulation of an
African Christian theology. This position is seen by his critics as
a rejection of African culture, which would ipso facto eliminate
all possibility of an African theology at anything but a superficial
level. He failed, says Parratt, "to make allowance for the fact that
throughout its history Christianity has had to come to terms with
the cultures in which it has been implanted."[15] Bediako offers the
most developed critique, arguing that Kato's insistence on the
exclusive role of the Bible as a revelation of salvation, coupled
with his negative appraisal of African traditional religion, blinded
him to the possibility that God may be working redemptively
among those who have, or had, no access to the Bible. He
critiques Kato's conception of the Gospel as being ultimately
"acultural," "a further dimension of his exclusivist Biblicism."
For Kato, he says, "no cultural factors had any part in the shaping
of one's understanding of the Christian faith."[16] Criticism has
also extended to his rejection of "the politicisation of African
theological thought to deal with issues of social injustice and
political oppression."[17] Particularly in view here is his assessment
of black theology.
Certainly Kato was committed to certain nonnegotiable
presuppositions that were foundational in his thinking. Fundamental
among them was the belief that the Bible was the unique
Word of God, the ultimate source and authority for all legitimate
theological expression, including African. Such a view will of
course be problematic to those who do not hold it, but it has a
venerable pedigree, and not only in the West. Not the least aspect
of that pedigree is the fact that both implicitly and explicitly the
Scriptures themselves repeatedly insist on their own uniquely
divine origin and consequent authority. Kato further believed
that a biblical understanding of the Gospel entailed an exclusivist
approach toward other religions. Again, commitment to such a
stance does not imply subservience to a Western agenda, any
more than does the adoption of an opposing inclusivist (or even
pluralist) stance, which has equally strong roots within the
Western theological tradition.
Kato indeed studied in the West and was undoubtedly
influenced by Western thinking, but such an observation is no
less true of his critics. Dependence is all but inevitable in any
academic field, for we stand on the shoulders of our predecessors.
This truism does not of itself invalidate any particular
position, and to argue otherwise would be to fall into the genetic
fallacy: an argument is neither established nor negated by reference
to its source but only on the basis of its own intrinsic merits
or weaknesses. Kato's thinking was no less cogent than that of his
opponents. The issue is not his alleged submission to "Western
value-setting"[18] but his theologically reasoned conviction that
an African Christian self-identity rooted to any extent in pre-
Christian and non-Christian religious tradition was ultimately
self-defeating, since it seriously compromised principles that lay
at the heart of the Gospel itself.
Kato, however, was not opposed to a specifically African
expression of Christian faith-rather, he favored it. If he distanced
himself from the expression "African theology," it was
because of the ambiguities that he felt surrounded it at the time,
but he emphatically approved the concern to formulate a Christian
theology for Africa: "That Africans have a unique contribution
to make to theological debates is undeniable."[19] He shared
the concern of Mbiti and others that "mission Christianity" had
failed to engage seriously with African culture, quoting Mbiti to
that effect: "Mission Christianity was not from the start prepared
to face a serious encounter with either traditional religions and
philosophy or the modern changes taking place in Africa. The
church here now finds itself in the situation of trying to exist
without a theology."[20] Consequently he looked for a culturally
appropriate expression of Christian faith that addressed the
questions raised by African society and tradition: "such areas as
principles of interpretation, polygamy, family life, the spirit
world, and communal life should be given serious attention."[21]
Or, as he wrote elsewhere, "The valuable concepts [of African
culture] will of course be strengthened by his newly-found faith.
The traditional belief in continuing existence after death is given
a new and dynamic meaning. The respect for the elder falls in line
with what the Bible teaches."[22]
Nevertheless, Kato believed that at the most fundamental
level of African culture there existed a philosophy "as to the real
meaning and purpose of life"[23] that was essentially incompatible
with Christian faith. It was here that there had to be a radical
break with traditional belief, in favor, not of Western theology,
but of the Gospel itself. Any convert to Christianity of whatever
culture had to make such a choice, because the Gospel ultimately
transcends and challenges all cultures, whereas domestication of
the Gospel vitiates its essential integrity. Kato thus insists that we
face the fundamental choice: "Must one betray Scriptural principles
of God and His dealing with man at the altar of any
regional theology?"[24] In this sense, then, Kato certainly held the
Gospel to be acultural; his position, however, does not negate the
need for suitable cultural articulations of it. But if words such as
"Gospel" and "Christianity" are to be used in anything approaching
a univocal sense across cultures, there must necessarily
be some unchanging core of meaning, whatever the culture in
which they find expression.
Nor was Kato silent about social and political issues. Interviewed
by Christianity Today, a journal addressed to the American
public, he spoke in a way that many of its readers would have
found uncongenial: "We must appreciate the call for a kind of
socialism because capitalism has become a real curse in Africa
and the gap between the haves and the have-nots continues to
widen. In Africa today you will find many millionaires but also
many people who go to bed hungry."[25] Elsewhere he condemned
the past oppression of African peoples, writing that "enslavement
of Africans by whites is probably the worst evil done by one
class of people to another."[26] In the same article he condemned
the racial discrimination then being practiced in Southern Rhodesia,
South Africa, and the United States, and continued, "While
I do not agree with the proponents of Black Theology . . . I fully
identify myself with their condemnation of injustice. The search
for human dignity is a Scriptural principle."[27] His quarrel with
some contemporary theological approaches to sociopolitical issues
was not with their concern for justice but grew from his
belief that they confused the fruit of salvation with its substance,
which was the thrust of his critique of the Nairobi Assembly of
the World Council of Churches in 1976.[28]
Vision
Kato was not just a reactive controversialist; he was also a
visionary. As general secretary of the AEAM, a position he held
for less than three years, he presided over a significant strengthening
of the evangelical movement in Africa. One indication of
this development was an increase in the number of national
evangelical bodies affiliated with the AEAM, from seven to
sixteen.[29] Moreover, although the primary focus of his ministry
was on the provision of an authentically Christian theology for
Africa, he had also a missionary passion for spreading the Gospel
in Africa and beyond, even in the West. At the beginning of the
twenty-first century, missionary endeavor is increasingly being
initiated by African churches. In the early 1970s that was not so
much the case, but Kato saw its vital importance for the health of
the church and its future growth. He was ahead of his time when
he urged his readers to "look beyond the borders of your country
and further afield to the pagan strongholds on our continent, to
the western world and its materialistic attractions. The world is
the field. The church in Africa and elsewhere is the only agent for
sowing the seed."[30]
Most significantly, he used his position to promote the cause
of theological education within the evangelical constituency. He
knew that evangelical churches lagged behind others in theological
development, the result, to some extent at least, of a suspicion
of higher theological education on the part of some of their
missionary founders. Turaki refers to Kato's "difficulties in
persuading SIM and ECWA of the need for higher education and
quality leadership training."[31] What made the need increasingly
urgent was the huge growth of the church, coupled with rapid
social change across Africa that was producing an increasingly
urban population and a growing middle class. Evangelicalism
would not flourish unless its leadership was able to respond
effectively to the issues confronting the church in the postcolonial
era. Kato thus highlighted the need to expand, deepen, and
strengthen "every possible means of teaching the church," "particularly
at the highest leadership levels," and sought to move
ahead in a number of areas.[32]
First, and most crucial, was the establishment of institutions
of advanced theological education by the AEAM itself. He argued
that francophone Africa should be given the priority, as the
English-speaking countries already had far more seminaries and
Bible schools.[33] Plans were therefore laid for the foundation of a
theological school in Bangui, capital of the Central African Republic,
a vision that materialized in 1977 with the Faculté de
Théologie Evangélique de Bangui. Subsequently a parallel
anglophone institution was founded in Nairobi, the Nairobi
Evangelical Graduate School of Theology, which received its
first students in 1983. These have become training institutions of
critical importance for the evangelical African church.
Second, Kato proposed raising standards in existing evangelical
institutions through a theological accrediting agency. He
was working on this project shortly before his death, and it
became a reality in 1976 when the AEAM formally constituted
the Accrediting Council for Theological Education in Africa. He
also hoped to see the establishment of an evangelical theological
journal for the whole of Africa and an association of evangelical
theologians. None of this was the vision of a man wedded to a
Western agenda and indifferent or opposed to a distinctively
African theology.
Finally, less visible perhaps than the establishment of such
institutions but no less significant-and still remembered fondly
by many-was the warm personal encouragement and help he
gave to aspiring younger African theologians, passing on his
vision for the growth to theological maturity of the African
church. "Through his vision and wide personal contacts [he]
formatively impacted the following generation of African evangelical
leadership."[34]
Byang Kato was only thirty-nine when he died. The work of
his relatively brief life was seminal in the development of evangelical
theology in Africa through the example of his own scholarship,
the visionary initiatives that led to the foundation of
enduring institutions, and the encouragement of the rising generation.
He set the agenda for African evangelicalism, and according
to Tite Tiénou, it is still largely his vision that "provides
the basic framework for such strategy as a whole in our continent."
[35] Since his death he has been harshly and unjustly criticized,
but Kato was no pawn of missionaries or of Western
parachurch bodies, nor was he a neocolonial spokesman of
Western theology. He was a "twentieth century prophet, somewhat
in the school of an earlier African, Tertullian, for while he
identified with black Africa in its cry for liberation against unjust
oppression, he was fearless in his denunciation of all liberal
theology and philosophy that deviated from the authority of the
Bible as the Word of God."[36] The goal of his work was to advance
the ambition vibrantly expressed in his famed rallying cry, "Let
African Christians be Christian Africans!" It is not only a fitting
epitaph but also a continuing challenge to the African church
today.
Keith Ferdinando
Notes:
1. Mark Shaw, The Kingdom of God in Africa: A Short History of African
Christianity (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1996), p. 278. I wish to thank Paul
Bowers, Ailish Eves, and Gordon Molyneux for many helpful
suggestions on this article.
2. Paul Bowers, "Evangelical Theology in Africa: Byang Kato's Legacy,"
Trinity Journal, n.s., 1 (1980): 86.
3. World Council of Churches, Ministry in Context: The Third Mandate
Programme of the Theological Education Fund, 1970-77 (Bromley, U.K.:
TEF Fund, 1972).
4. Bowers, "Evangelical Theology," p. 85.
5. John Parratt, Reinventing Christianity: African Christian Theology Today
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), p. 195.
6. Byang Kato, African Cultural Revolution and the Christian Faith (Jos,
Nigeria: Challenge Publications, 1976), p. 54.
7. Kwame Bediako, Theology and Identity: The Impact of Culture on
Christian Thought in the Second Century and Modern Africa (Oxford:
Regnum Books, 1992), p. 412.
8. Bowers, "Evangelical Theology," p. 85.
9. Parratt, Reinventing Christianity, p. 63, n. 29.
10. Bowers, "Evangelical Theology," p. 86.
11. See, for example, Kato, African Cultural Revolution, pp. 22-24.
12. John S. Mbiti, Bible and Theology in African Christianity (Nairobi:
Oxford Univ. Press, 1986), p. 48.
13. Paul Bowers, "Review of Byang H. Kato, Theological Pitfalls in Africa,"
Themelios 5 (May 1980): 34.
14. Mercy Amba Oduyoye, Hearing and Knowing: Theological Reflections
on Christianity in Africa (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1986), p. 62.
See also Bediako, Theology and Identity, p. 387; J. N. Kanyua Mugambi,
African Christian Theology: An Introduction (Nairobi: East African
Educational Publishers, 1989), p. 133; Parratt, Reinventing Christianity,
pp. 62-63.
15. Parratt, Reinventing Christianity, p. 63.
16. Bediako, Theology and Identity, p. 413.
17. Ibid., p. 394; cf. Oduyoye, Hearing and Knowing, p. 61.
18. See Bediako, Theology and Identity, p. 391.
19. Byang Kato, "Theological Anemia in Africa," in Biblical Christianity
in Africa (Achimota, Ghana: Africa Christian Press, 1985), p. 11.
20. John S. Mbiti, quoted by Kato, "Theological Anemia," p. 11.
21. Byang Kato, "Black Theology and African Theology," Evangelical
Review of Theology 1 (October 1977): 45.
22. Kato, African Cultural Revolution, pp. 19-20.
23. Ibid., p. 30.
24. Byang Kato, Theological Pitfalls in Africa (Kisumu, Kenya: Evangel
Publishing House, 1975), p. 16.
25. Byang Kato, "Africa's Christian Future," pt. 2, Christianity Today,
October 10, 1975, p. 14.
26. Kato, "Black Theology and African Theology," p. 36.
27. Ibid., p. 37.
28. Byang Kato, "The World Council of Churches Nairobi Assembly
and Africa," Perception 5 (March 1976): 2-10.
29. Christina M. Breman, "A Portrait of Dr. Byang Kato," Africa Journal
of Evangelical Theology 15, no. 2 (1996): 145.
30. Byang Kato, "Christianity as an African Religion," Evangelical Review
of Theology 4 (April 1980): 39.
31. Yusufu Turaki, "The Theological Legacy of the Reverend Doctor
Byang Kato," Africa Journal of Evangelical Theology 20, no. 2 (2001):
151.
32. Kato, "Theological Anemia," p. 13.
33. Bremen, "A Portrait," p. 141.
34. Paul Bowers, "Kato, Byang Henry," in Evangelical Dictionary of World
Mission, ed. A. Scott Moreau (Grand Rapids: Baker; Carlisle, U.K.:
Paternoster, 2000), p. 535.
35. Tite Tiénou, The Theological Task of the Church in Africa (Achimota,
Ghana: Africa Christian Press, 1990), p. 17.
36. Bruce J. Nicholls, "Byang H. Kato-a Personal Tribute," Theological
News (WEF) 8 (January-March 1976): 2. I am grateful to Bruce Nicholls for sending me a photocopy of this issue of Theological News.
Selected Bibliography:
Works by Byang Kato
1972 "Aid to the National Church: When It Helps, When It Hinders."
Evangelical Missions Quarterly 8 (Summer): 193-201.
1975 "Africa's Christian Future." Pt. 2. Christianity Today, October 10,
pp. 12-16.
1975 "Evangelism Opportunities and Obstacles in Africa." In Let the
Earth Hear His Voice, ed. J. D. Douglas, pp. 155-58. Minneapolis:
World Wide Publications.
1975 "The Gospel, Cultural Context, and Religious Syncretism." In Let
the Earth Hear His Voice, ed. Douglas, pp. 1216-23. (Instead of
"Cultural Context" the title should read "Cultural
Contextualization." See the table of contents to Let the Earth Hear
His Voice and Byang Kato, Biblical Christianity in Africa [1985], p.
23.)
1975 Theological Pitfalls in Africa. Kisumu, Kenya: Evangel Publishing
House.
1976 African Cultural Revolution and the Christian Faith. Jos, Nigeria:
Challenge Publications.
1976 "Nairobi Assembly Leaves Its Marks in Africa." Theological News
(WEF) 8 (January-March): 1.
1976 "The World Council of Churches Nairobi Assembly and Africa."
Perception 5 (March): 2-10.
1977 "Black Theology and African Theology." Evangelical Review of
Theology 1 (October): 35-48.
1978 "Evangelization and Culture." Perception 12 (April): 1-8.
1978 "The Theology of Eternal Salvation." Perception 14 (October): 1-8.
1979 "Eschatology in Africa: Problems of Hermeneutics." In Readings in
Dynamic Indigeneity, ed. Charles H. Kraft and Tom N. Wisley, pp.
465-92. Pasadena, Calif.: William Carey Library.
1980 "Christianity as an African Religion." Evangelical Review of Theology
4 (April): 31-39.
1985 Biblical Christianity in Africa. Achimota, Ghana: Africa Christian
Press. Five lectures, including "Contextualisation and Religious
Syncretism," "Theological Anemia in Africa," "Theological Issues
in Africa," and "The Theology of Eternal Salvation" (1978).
Works About Byang Kato
Bowers, Paul. "Evangelical Theology in Africa: Byang Kato's Legacy."
Trinity Journal, n.s., 1 (1980): 84-87.
--------. "Kato, Byang Henry." In Evangelical Dictionary of World Mission,
ed. A. Scott Moreau, pp. 535-36. Grand Rapids: Baker; Carlisle,
U.K.: Paternoster, 2000.
Breman, Christina M. "A Portrait of Dr. Byang Kato." Africa Journal of
Evangelical Theology 15, no. 2 (1996): 135-51.
--------. "Byang H. Kato: A Bibliography." ACTEA Tools and Studies, no.
16 (1998). 16 pp. Available online at http://
www.theoledafrica.org/ACTEA/ToolsAndStudies/
Tools%20and%20Studies%2016.pdf.
De la Haye, Sophie. Byang Kato: Ambassador for Christ. Achimota, Ghana:
Africa Christian Press, 1986.
Nicholls, Bruce J. "Byang H. Kato-a Personal Tribute." Theological News
(WEF) 8 (January-March 1976): 2-3.
Turaki, Yusufu. "The Theological Legacy of the Reverend Doctor Byang
Kato." Africa Journal of Evangelical Theology 20, no. 2 (2001): 133-55.
This article is reprinted from the International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Oct. 2004, vol. 28, No. 4, by permission of the Overseas Ministries Study Center, New
Haven, Conn. For details visit www.OMSC.org. All rights reserved.
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